Just when Bernie Sanders’s
chances of winning the Democratic Party nomination are being written off and
the Hillaryites (or whatever they’re called) are nagging him to drop out of the
race, interest in his democratic socialism has blossomed in another quarter: His
candidacy for prime minister of Denmark has been announced.
By now everyone knows of
Sanders’s fondness for the Danish welfare state. I have mentioned that the Danes are keen on
founding clubs and organizations. Now two of them, Peter Ahrenfeldt Schrøder
and Jacob Esmann, have launched the “Sanders for Prime Minister” association (Sanders som statsminister). They
outlined its objectives in an op-ed piece in Politiken, Denmark’s largest-circulation daily.
This is a clever prank, and
also a serious one. The club spends much less space advancing Sanders’s platform
than making a detailed critique of the current Liberal government and the
Danish “right wing”, which the authors argue are attempting to systematically
dismantle the distinctive foundations of Danish “welfare society” (in Europe,
“liberal” means free-market proponent). It gives a fine summary of Sanders’s
main proposals and explains how the corresponding institutions in Denmark that
partly inspired them are being eroded. In other words, how Prime Minister Lars
Løkke Rasmussen and his fragile assemblage of supporting parties (which command
a majority in parliament by a single vote) have weakened some of them and are looking
to do more damage. Here’s a summary for those who don’t read Danish:
Privatization wet dream – alas deferred
Education: An across-the-board
budget reduction at universities that will shut down degree programs in some
unpopular subjects. Proposals to require a minimum level of grades to enroll in
gymnasium and vocational school, which the authors argue will reduce
opportunities for disadvantaged youth. A proposal by supporting parties to
reduce the (six-year) educational stipend and replace part of it with loans.
Health care: The Right Wing
has a “wet dream” about introducing payments for health care services (although
the government agreed to shelve the issue during its current tenure in office).
Pension: The Right Wing “came
within a whisker” of reducing housing subsidies for 175,000 retirees.
Welfare and unemployment
benefits: The government has “torn a big hole in the social safety net” by
putting a ceiling on cash welfare benefits in an effort to make it more
attractive to work. In 2010, the preceding right-wing government reduced by
half the length of time you can receive unemployment benefits (to two years) and
doubled the working period required to earn them. The Right Wing has also
proposed limiting the right to strike.
Environment: The government
wants to reduce climate targets, specifically a 40% reduction in CO2 emissions
by 2020 and a phasing-out of coal and natural gas by 2030 in 2035.
Tax evasion: Three Right Wing
parties recently tried to repeal initiatives of the preceding center-left
government to publish companies’ business tax payments.
Low inequality = social mobility = the true American
dream
The authors conclude that
the American dream thrives best in Denmark, and the reason is the welfare state.
Denmark leads the world in creating equal opportunity, and there is a clear
connection between low income inequality and social mobility. Yet the current government
has promised one of its supporting parties that it will cut the marginal income
tax rate (from around 56%). It does not understand that the welfare state is the
best “competition state”. In the nutshell, the answer to the world’s challenges
is more social democracy. (End of summary.)
Neoliberal expropriation
The trick word in that last
battle cry is “world’s”. Yes, it’s clear that the troubled planet as a whole could
use more of the civilized and equitable values of social democracy. But that doesn’t
prove that Denmark needs a larger public sector just now. It’s been around 56%
of GDP since 2008, now number 4 in the OECD.
These are the usual leftist charges
that recent centrist governments (including the Social Democrats’) are betraying
Denmark’s egalitarian ideals. They’re all debatable, and many seem exaggerated.
They sometimes ascribe intentions rather than citing concrete measures, especially
the intentions of the evil Right Wing (whose largest party, the xenophobic
Danish People’s Party, is actually one of the strongest defenders of the
welfare state). Some of the proposals of small supporting parties that are criticized
are meant mostly as bargaining chips rather than realistic legislation.
The authors also subscribe
to the assumption that reducing or shifting any funding for an entitlement always
amounts to taking (or “stealing”) money that belongs to its current recipients
rather than a possibly sensible revision of priorities. The government actually
favors cutting not the marginal tax rate but rather the lowest tax bracket,
even though many Danish economists, such as Nina Smith, believe that the former would be
more efficient in increasing output.
Too many chiefs
Take the admission standard
for gymnasium, which is a rather demanding college prep program. Enrollment has
risen about 50% in the past decade: One third of the students would not have attended
10 years ago. Most kids who don’t meet the proposed requirement of C grades in
math and Danish in the ninth or tenth grade don’t finish gymnasium and go on to
college anyway (ninth or tenth
because if they’re not ready after ninth, they can take an extra year to claw
their way up to C). Is giving them an opportunity to fail at gymnasium the most
productive use of tax revenues and of their formative years? Granted, a small
number make a dramatic improvement and end up pursuing professional careers,
but if the requirement existed, they would probably have been able to mend
their ways by tenth grade.
Although I don’t know the
circumstances of the retirees’ housing aid or the business tax transparency
policy, I don’t find these Right Wing positions especially noxious and agree
with the labor market and educational system reforms. I would rather criticize
the government for just recently volunteering to join the bombing in Syria without
a plausible exit strategy and for maintaining the so-called blackout law that
restricts public access to ministerial documents (both measures have the
support of the world’s saviors, the Social Democrats).
Welfare for growth
The authors’ most
questionable assertion is that the welfare state makes Denmark competitive. One
can appreciate the welfare state for the higher minimum standard of living and
social cohesion it fosters, but it’s something else to imply that bigger government
means higher productivity or that more transfer payments increase prosperity. Denmark’s
GDP has been stagnant in this century. From 1991 to 2015, the annual GDP growth
rate has averaged 0.35%, while Sweden, which has been
dismantling its welfare state for two decades (despite its idealistic
generosity towards refugees) has seen growth around twice as fast.
Countries with low Gini
coefficients rank high in happiness, but the egalitarian mobility model is not
so simple (almost all those countries are also small). Economic growth may increase
inequality but at the same time raise the average standard of living. Let’s not
even get started on the failure of integration in Denmark that the major left-wing
parties also now acknowledge has left a “parallel society” stuck in “passive
support” outside the labor market.
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